The First Death and Airports Closed
A short while ago a 51 year old miner from Potosi, part of a march of miners headed to the Congress meeting in Sucre, was shot and killed by government forces. This is the first death in the three-week standoff between protesters and the government and is an ominous indicator of the rising tensions.
As of noon today all of the country’s airports are shut down, as airport employees join in a spreading hunger strike protesting the possible ascension of Senator Vaca Diez to the presidency.
There are reports on radio Erbol that the Congress is abandoning its planned session (already delayed until 6pm), as members want to leave Sucre ahead of a reported effort by protesters to shut the airport there. I can’t confirm that but will do my best as we continue our updates.
The large march here in Cochabamba that I reported on earlier was broken up by tear gas fired by police, provoked by an effort by a small wing of the protests to enter the offices of the state government. Crowds were sent fleeing away from the plaza and the city center remained filled with gas for hours.
As of noon today all of the country’s airports are shut down, as airport employees join in a spreading hunger strike protesting the possible ascension of Senator Vaca Diez to the presidency.
There are reports on radio Erbol that the Congress is abandoning its planned session (already delayed until 6pm), as members want to leave Sucre ahead of a reported effort by protesters to shut the airport there. I can’t confirm that but will do my best as we continue our updates.
The large march here in Cochabamba that I reported on earlier was broken up by tear gas fired by police, provoked by an effort by a small wing of the protests to enter the offices of the state government. Crowds were sent fleeing away from the plaza and the city center remained filled with gas for hours.
posted by The Democracy Center at 4:41 PM
The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
52 Comments:
Marshall law in 3....2....1....
I can't see the armed forces giving this 48 more hours... even 24 more hours.
If the congress can't meet in Sucre, I can't see how the armed forces stays out of it.
I mean, at what point is the government just completely collapsed? We're getting close.
The congress isn't meeting - maybe can't meet. Mesa is irrelevant.
The only two power sources I can see are the army and the protesters.
And if that happens, then the armed forces has two choices - intervene, or cede authority to Evo or whoever (??) and start taking order from the new revolutionary government.
Agree with Andrew. Assume for a second that Congress meets and by some miracle Vaca Diez and Cossio resign their places in the succession order and Rodriquiez becomes caretaker president. What does Evo do next? With all his forces mobilized, he can't stop now (nor probably could he), he has to complete the end run to power.
The Bolpress has reported the story about the miner in Yotala but I have to think that there is more to it than what they are telling us. I would expect the army to be careful not to fire the first shot. Surely, some dynamite was involved and the army reacted. Still, we are at this point because the government has not imposed order.
"What does Evo do next? With all his forces mobilized."
I was under the impression that many or most of the protesters were NOT Evo supporters--
Is it really correct to suggest that that EVO is in command of all this?
Please-- I'm not an expert on this, and I'm only going by what I've read at this site, and the major news outlets, etc.
We could as easily say we are at this point - this specific point - because the government is threatening to impose order brutally.
Note that with so much talk of violence on the part of the movements, the first death was a 51 year-old miner.
Also, the main source of power in any society is the people and their consent, however costly non-consent may be. The hunger strike is an inconvenient fact for anyone who wants to focus only on a few fiery leaders and the most volatile protesters. It sounds as if a strong, popular, nationwide, nonviolent resistance to Vaca Diez is forming, and before he even assumes power, it is taking the form of hunger strikes similar to those that brought down the military dictatorship of Banzer (his first time in the palace).
For those of us with the luxury of watching safely and commenting on the internet, lets not get so caught up in winning our particular debating points that we fail to recognize the fullness of what is happening in Bolivia. It would appear that even those who are not occupying plazas and running roadblocks feel deeply about this crisis, and the vast majority do not want Vaca Diez, and they, too, are beginning to act.
A ver...
Since, Vaca Diez can hardly claim any wide public support-- and he is clearly trying to seize power with backroom deals and impose an authoritarian dictorship via violent repression--- arn't some kind of new elections the only remotely democratic answer to this crisis?
I hope I am not displaying too much ignorance: but is this a possibility? Or is the military going to back Vaca no matter what?
I am not currently in Bolivia but I'm about as personally invested in Bolivia as you can get. I've spent 10 years and about 90% of my adult life in the country. My wife, my son, and a huge part of my family is Bolivian. So while I'm not marching the road to Sucre, I'm pretty personally invested.
It's not about debating points to me.
Come on Dan! To say that we're here because the government is threatening brutality? It's not like they just came out one day and announced "hey, we thought we'd go be brutal to some poor folks today".
I appreciate your point, and I can too get frustrated with "long distance" views from people who enjoy their particular pet politics on parade, but that's not me.
I apprecaite the fullness of what is happening - the country is coming unglued. There is a complete power vacuum and that's really dangerous.
I've got no problem with people hunger striking or nonviolently protesting Vaca Diez (though through personal experience I have some real reservations about Bolivian hunger strikes - another story) but that's not the core of what's going on.
The core of what's going on is a certain set of actors blocking the roads (which is all but violent in terms of it's effect on society) and threating.
The military is threatening back.
" a certain set of actors" ???
Vaca Diez is a tricky problem. On the one hand, he IS the next in line. A pure constitutional transition would go to him. It doesn't have to be backroom at all. And if you've read my comments you know that I'm strongly in favor of doing things "by the book" (I think democracy and freedom depend a great deal on the rule of law).
That said, if he takes power, all hell breaks lose. That's clear.
So we're in the untenable position of trying to figure out
The best outcome probably, is for Vaca Diez and Cossio to renounce, and elections to be held. That would be constitutional - barely, but constitutional.
It sets a terrible presicident, but that was already set by Mesa.
At this point it's better than any other outcome.
The real mess started when protestors figured out in Goni 2 that they could basically bring down any government they didn't like.
In other words, they learned that process and lawful transition are optional.
So if they have elections and Evo or his troop lose, then what? Are we back to square one? And if they win, what will St. Cruz and Tarija do?
This is bad mojo all around, which is why I think the left were fools to go down this path.
Actors, ie political actors, ie Evo and his folks, etc.
Help me out here---
are the miners Evo supporters?
Another question for those a lot more knowledgeable than I am--
During recent elections, has there been a big indigenous Bolivian turnout? Are their viewpoints properly represented via the voting process? Given the demographics, are they represented proportionatelly?
Are they simply a disgruntled minority who wish to impose by force what they cannot achieve through the open and fair democratic process?
One of the big things that we're all doing is simplifying things a great deal.
From the long view, yes, the miners are supporting Evo.
But in reality it's not Evo vs. Vaca Diez.
It's more like, a loose congolmeration of left leaning groups that comprise everything from workers to indigenous groups to students versus... I don't know - the government, maybe elites, Vaca Diez.
It's hard to simplify.
Some people are radically involved. Some are along for the ride.
I personally think that there was a reasonable turnout from all segements of society - which is why I'm not happy with the way this is playing out.
Maybe others have numbers that would prove this wrong, but I think Bolivians have either voted or chosen not to vote of their own volition.
My point was that we always pick our starting point when analyzing a causal chain of events. Specifically, I was responding to Eduardo's assertion that "we are at this point because the government has not imposed order. "
And my exhortation to consider the whole picture was honest in its use of the first-person-plural. I include myself. I just believe there is a danger for all of us of focusing on problematic events which have led things to this point, and finger-pointing, while the situation is infinitely complex, and even includes signs of hope, like the hunger strikes (and I would imagine, Andrew, that we have similar thoughts on Bolivian hunger strikes in general, but I think this one is appropriate and promising). Most importantly, I think if we allow ourselves to see this all as something like "Evo & Mallku vs. Vaca Diez," our focus on the sins of the former may lead us to ignore the threats of the latter.
To the extent that they've miscalculated or just plain gone wrong, the protesters will be the first to experience the proof of that. I'm not so much interested in assigning blame as trying to get a handle - often minute-by-minute - on what is the most promising imperfect road forward. Right now I stand uneasily (aren't we all uneasy here?) somewhere between the bishops, the hunger strikers, and (most uneasily) the people in the streets.
I think back to a moment in April 2000: I'm crouching on the ground in Cochabamba's main plaza, with my wife and sister-in-law and 20,000 others, choking on tear gas and trying to hold our ground, when a group of young people nearby suggests setting fire to the government buildings. I suggest that that is just the excuse the troops are looking for. Short pause, until they see that I am a yanqui, and then I am shouted down with threats. I consider leaving, not for fear of the young people but because I don't want to be a part of anything violent. But I stay, because our nonviolent presence there is as legitimate a part of the protest - moreso, in that the vast majority are nonviolent - as a few angry, misguided kids. They start a lame bonfire which soon extinguishes itself. The security forces prove time and again that they will attack with or without an excuse. In the end we are victorious.
Solidarity is a funny thing: it is simultaneously about sticking to one's principles, and not being afraid to get one's hands dirty. I claim no expertise in how to do that.
Again Dan, I'm not sure I always agree with you, but I so enjoy a "talking" with a thoughtful, nuanced person (and the others of you here who are similarly thoughtful).
I hope to hear more from you, and post more myself, later today and tomorrow as this all shakes out...
peace to all...
The session was just cancelled. Comments by various members of congress complained that Vaca Diez doesn't want to resign.
Likewise, Andrew. I think it is a testament to the tone Jim has set on democratcyctr.org that this is probably the most respectful exchange I've witnessed in the blogosphere - and in the middle of such trying circumstances, about which we all feel passionately. That alone gives me hope.
Speaking of hope, the fact that Vaca Diez has been thwarted, at least until tomorrow, also gives me hope. Momentum is building against him. I doubt the near future is rosy, but it might not have to be blood-red, either.
Vaca Diez has just left the building... and is reportedly heading for the airport.
Mr. Mesa is still president, though it may be a technicality: Bolivia is irrevocably without leadership.
As far as the "movement" is concerned, they will believe themselves victors. I expect they may make a run on the seat of power... either on Plaza Murillo or the Casa de la Libertad.
Simon Bolivar must be in tears.
Looking for more news... it's not clear to me, if all the airports have been closed by their own employees, why the members of congress are heading to the airport in Sucre, or why the protesters would be attempting to close it. ??
...some reports have vaca diez and cossio hiding in a military base...
There are at least two routes to and from the airport which sits above Sucre. On my last visit to there in March, I was surprised when my taxi took a newer road into town. I would imagine also, that there could exist a third, "secret" route like La Paz had for years (I lived here 1967-69), though I think that one is now a public route (Pasankeri) that goes up to Ciudad Satelíte.
To answer the earlier question: yes, the miners like Evo's new position and "flip-flop" of supporting nationalization.
Earlier, Evo was an unofficial member of the government with free and easy access to Mesa's office. Then, Evo called Mesa a racist and the people's number one enemy. Then, Evo said he was wanted 50% royalties. Then, Evo was called a sellout by Jaime Solares. Then, Evo said he was satisfied with the new Hydrocarbons Law (18% royalties and 32% tax) and he could live with that even though he would attempt to modify it. Then, Evo was seen hand in hand in La Paz with Solares. Then, Evo criticized Solares for wanting to be a paramilitary in a miltary government. Then, Evo called for nationalization.
And for the biggest "flip-flop": Evo was elected to Congress by democratic means and now he wants to be President through undemocratic means (holding the country hostage).
Anonymous wrote: "Are thy [indigenous Bolivians] simply a disgruntled minority who wish to impose by force what they cannot achieve through the open and fair democratic process?"
research just the slightest bit and you'll find the indigenous Bolivians to be well over the MAJORITY, with at least 65% of all Bolivians either Quchua or Aymara.
Assuming www.marxist.com is an accurate portrayer of leftest thinking in Bolivia, these articles may clarify some of their intentions. I find it interesting that they have little use for a constituent assembly...
http://www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia_campos1103.html (November 18, 2003)
For this reason, as we have explained in other articles, the slogan of a Constituent Assembly, which is nothing more than a new bourgeois parliament, which has been proposed by most of the leaders of the left in Bolivia, is, under the current circumstances in Bolivia, deeply mistaken and poses a serious danger for the revolution. This was also the case in Argentina.
...
However, the only solution is to generalise these bodies of power (popular assemblies, cabildos abiertos [mass peoples' meetings], neighbourhood juntas…) that the masses have already started to develop, and unify them in one revolutionary national peoples' assembly of representatives elected and with the right of recall. Such a peoples' assembly should elect a workers' and peasants' government, vote on a socialist programme to transform society and solve the problems created by the capitalist crisis and the rule of the capitalists.
This is the only kind of assembly that can form the basis for the solution of the countries' problems. Many workers and peasant militants, when they talk about a "constituent assembly", probably mean this kind of assembly, that is a body of worker and peasant power. However, when the leaders, particularly the leaders of the MAS, talk of a constituent assembly, they are very much aware that this would be a new bourgeois parliament in which they might have the majority, but which would stay within the limits of capitalism.
...
The problem is that Morales has no confidence in the strength of workers and peasants to take power and has no alternative to the capitalist system. Precisely the fear of taking power and the consequent pressure of the masses to carry out the necessary transformation of the country is what led him to give enthusiastic support to Mesa, a bourgeois politician, becoming the new president. But the crisis of the capitalist system in Bolivia, and the strength of the movement mean that if the ruling class is not able to decisively smash the revolutionary movement – and they seem unable to do so for the time being – then it is quite possible that at a certain stage a leader like Evo Morales might form a government.
If Morales continues with his policy of remaining within the framework of capitalism, then the ruling class will use him, squeeze him like a lemon, let him disappoint the masses by being unable to solve their problems – something which cannot be done within capitalism – and after that they would go on the offensive to smash the people's movement.
Other more left wing leaders like Solares (secretary of the COB), Quispe (secretary of the peasant union CSUTCB) and even further to the left de La Cruz (leader of the COR of El Alto), have criticised many of the positions taken by Morales, but the key is to prepare for power.
In an interesting series of interviews published on November 11 in La Razon newspaper, Solares and Quispe openly stated that their aim is to abolish capitalism and the taking of power by a government of workers and peasants. Solares stated: "we hope that soon we will have a worker-peasant government under a socialist regime … First we must make sure that the workers' trade unions are ready for revolution, and this means discussing Marxist and socialist ideology. We should not forget that the trade unions are schools of solidarity and they must be the nucleus upon which sooner or later a workers' and peasants' government with a socialist policy will be based."
Quispe declared that: "The political class has power and has already shown it cannot run the country since it allows conflicts to develop and uses weapons to smash them. This is why it is now time for the majority of the population, Indians and aboriginals, to take power and rule together with the working class who was always badly treated, humiliated and is now demanding the chance to initiate change based on equality, peace and honesty … We do not just want to criticise, we want a chance, and we do not agree with living under a capitalist system anymore… The current system must be replaced by a community based economic model where there will be neither poor nor rich and all will have the possibility to work in equal conditions… if the situation does not change, we will organise an agrarian revolution so that the land and the resources under the land will belong to the peasants, and if there is any wealth this will benefit the Indians". (La Razón, November 11)
...
A government of workers and peasants with this programme and under the control of the bodies of workers' and people's power would enthuse the working people, not only in Bolivia, but throughout the continent. Social revolution cannot be victorious if it remains isolated in one country. If the Bolivian revolution succeeds (and right now our Bolivian brothers are closer to that aim than anyone else) this must immediately spread to the rest of Latin America by means of an appeal to Venezuelan, Argentinean, Peruvian, Brazilian, Colombian workers to follow in its steps. A Socialist Bolivia as part of a Socialist Federation of Latin American states would mark the beginning of a new epoch in the history of humanity.
[emphasis added]
Morales is a coca grower from the media luna, is he not? He might be Aymaran, but he is essentially a lowland capitalist, is he not? He must be, since if Bolivia was not exporting coca, the US woudl not care so much about eradicating it. Do the coca growers want to eliminate capitalism? Probably not. Do Aymaran Indians for Morales want to eliminate capitalism? I don't know. Clearly both would be willing to break relations with the U.S., IMF, and World Bank.
The Bolivian left appears to want a democracy which would only include members of a workers party. Any owners of property or capitalists, if any were still hanging around, would be excluded, and their property would be confiscated. Apparently only Indians are to prosper in this new society. But what percentage of Aymarans and Quechians truly believe this is the way to go? It is not natural gas that is preventing the Indians from prospering, since they werem't prospering before there was natural gas.
I will agree that marxist.com has a good reason to complain that the current government allows for "no tax increases for the rich, as this could scare them away or prevent investment." Bolivia has a very regressive 13% straight income/VAT tax. Why doesn't the government increase the progressivity of its tax rate. That should count for something.
In summary, I don't think the revolution will be happy even if Morales is elected President. Unless Morales kicks out all foreign businesses without compensation and stops all payments to international funding agencies. Morales would have to be able to control the military and maintain the support of enterprising coca growers. As long as capitalists or supporters of capitalists remain in the country, they will be blamed for all of Altiplano's ills.
http://www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia_mesa_offensive.htm
The mobilisations must be used to get the largest number of workers involved, combining the struggle for partial demands – better wages, jobs, against price increases, higher taxes for the rich, etc – with the more general demands for the nationalisation of hydrocarbons, for land reform, for the nationalisation of the banks and the country’s main productive sectors.
...
There should be the calling of a Popular Assembly, made up of the representatives elected in these rank and file bodies, as a genuine body representative of the poor people of Bolivia, and that this Popular Assembly takes power in the country, as should have happened in October 2003.
...
We are in favour of the widest democracy. But we explain that the most democratic regime that there can be is one based on direct democracy from below through assemblies and committees that elect their representatives to a nation wide Popular Assembly. This would guarantee common ownership over the resources of the nation under the democratic control of workers and peasants. That is, a regime of genuine workers’ democracy, genuine socialist democracy, in which every workers’ or peasants’ representative, or functionary, can be immediately recalled at any time by those who elected them, and whose wage would not be higher than that of a skilled worker. This would be a society where the tasks of the administration and running of society would be carried out in turns by the population as a whole, in order to prevent careerism and bureaucratism, and where there would be no standing army separate and apart from the people, but rather where the people are armed through workers’ and peasants’ militias.
http://www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia_after_ref0704.html
In fact the only way of using the natural resources to the benefit of the Bolivian people is through the complete nationalisation without compensation of all the gas companies that are operating in Bolivia. But even this could only really work if it is seen as the first step in the nationalisation of all the commanding heights of the economy under workers´ control and management.
[emphasis added]
More recently...
http://www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia-peoples-assembly090605.htm
http://www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia-workers-peasants080605.htm
http://www.marxist.com/bolivia.asp
" And for the biggest "flip-flop": Evo was elected to Congress by democratic means and now he wants to be President through undemocratic means (holding the country hostage)."
1) How could Evo become President without being elected?
2) I still get the impression that Evo is not the mastermind and master-controller of these protests to the extent you suggest. You make the protesters out to be merely mindless footsoldiers taking orders from Evo. That just doesn't seem to jibe with the information I'm getting. But admittedly, I have no special sources of info.
Listening to Moises Gutierrez Rojas, (Representative of the Aymara Quichua Indigenous organization in Bolivia) and Oscar Olivera (president of the Cochabamba Federation of Factory Workers in Cochabamba) on Democracy Now along with Jim Shultz 5.25.05, I did not get the impression that Evo Morales was calling the shots as far as the protests--
OSCAR OLIVERA: I think what we are seeing now is a struggle among the Bolivian people that has been going on for several years. This began some five years ago when the Bolivian people were in the struggle for water, and they were able to kick out the corporation at that time. The people at that time then understood very well that we needed economic change as well as political change. So, since then, in the years 2002, 2003, 2004, what we see is the demands of the struggles are very similar to what they were historically five years ago. So, what we are seeing, very specifically, is that this involves changes having to do with the nationalization of the country's resources. So really, what this is about is taking away the control of the resources that the corporate powers have there in Bolivia, and this is what the people are struggling for. And so in the political realm, the changes that the people are asking for is to eliminate all of the authoritative and repressive apparatus that is present in the current political structure. So, for 500 years, the indigenous people have historically been excluded from participating in the democratic process of the country in Bolivia.
AMY GOODMAN: Oscar Olivera, do you think Evo Morales represents their views?
OSCAR OLIVERA: Originally, Evo Morales very much was listening to the perspective of the indigenous peoples, but what we are seeing currently is that the emphasis on that perspective is going down quite a bit, and so he's really not so much focused on the interests of the general population.
AMY GOODMAN: What's changed him?
OSCAR OLIVERA: I think it has to do very much with the lack of direct contact with the people at the grassroots, and he is in much more touch with the political elite.
MOISES GUTIERREZ ROJAS: ... There are very much important issues that have to do with the hydrocarbons, the petrocarbon issue at this moment. But the fundamental critical issue in Bolivia has to do with the exclusion of the indigenous peoples that has happened for over 500 years.
The hydrocarbons, the water resources have, in fact, been nationalized in two different occasions: in the 1940s with Standard Oil and newly nationalized also in the 1960s. So for the indigenous peoples, whether the natural resources are in the hands of the government or in the hands of the corporation, it doesn't matter.
And so for us, what is most important is to nationalize the state and the government itself.
What I'd like to point out about the struggle that happened in the year 2000, the water struggle, the water war that the companero, Oscar, is referring to, it would not at all have been possible without the mobilization of the Aymara people in the region around La Paz. The mobilization at that time had to do against the water laws at that moment.
Presently, the country is very divided, and there are a whole range of perspectives. Bolivia is a fractured country.
AMY GOODMAN: Do you think that Evo Morales will be the next leader, or will there be an indigenous takeover?
MOISES GUTIERREZ ROJAS: At this time it's important to point out that Evo Morales received at the national level elections 20% of support. Later on, in the municipal elections, this support was lowered to 18%.
What we're seeing is his support is increasingly going down further.
And what my information tells me is that he is reaching a point of desperation because his mobilizations are not reaching the people as they had in the past.
OSCAR OLIVERA: I believe that the transnationals that are located in the eastern part of the country together with the U.S. embassy and its interests are very much causing the critical problem of the crisis in the country right now. The President, Mesa, also has a critical role, and what he has been doing is very much in defense of the corporate powers in the country.
These forces are the ones in the country that want to divide the people and want to abscond with the natural resources that have to do with water, forestry and oil and petrol materials.
These forces have great resources at their disposal in the economic realm, in communications, and in the political arena, and they are using these resources against the people.
And a majority in the country, including workers and indigenous around Bolivia, what we have as our weapon is our dignity, as well as our indignation at what is happening right now and our capacity to construct an alternative society built on justice and respect for the masses.
Better links for the above...
www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia_campos1103.html
www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia_mesa_offensive.htm
www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia_after_ref0704.html
www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia-peoples-assembly090605.htm
www.marxist.com/Latinam/bolivia-workers-peasants080605.htm
www.marxist.com/bolivia.asp
1) How could Evo become President without being elected?
I don't think he will be elected, he desperately wants to be President. My point was that he will probably be candidate for President once new elections are called. There will not be new early elections without these mobilizations that have pushed the country to the brink. It is undemocratic to essentially blackmail a country and threaten them with civil war unless "x,y,z" happens.
"Assuming www.marxist.com is an accurate portrayer of leftest thinking in Bolivia..."
Why would anyone assume that?
And such a blunt, broad label as "leftist thinking" -- what does that mean?-- can surely only lead to oversimplification and distortion.
If you went by the marxist.com rhetoric, Hugo Chavez for example, would certainly NOT qualify as a "leftist thinker".
" It is undemocratic to essentially blackmail a country and threaten them..."
"Threaten" democratic elections? I could think of worse threats!
I said "threaten with civil war" unless they don't get what they want.
Regarding earlier questions about voter turnout: although I don't have specific knowledge of the process during the most recent elections, my friends in La Paz tell me that voting is mandatory in Bolivia. It takes place on a Sunday, and no one is allowed to go out except to vote or if there is an emergency. People are required to carry documentation of voting for a period of time after the elections in order to conduct banking transactions, etc. These requirements may not compel people in extremely isolated areas to vote, but I'd guess that turnout would be pretty high across the board. I know that this policy was a point of pride for them in our discussions about voting, particularly as I lived with them during the 2000 US election debacle!
Eduardo wrote: "I said "threaten with civil war" unless they don't get what they want."
And you said what they want is democratic elections--
Eduardo: "My point was that[Evo Morales] will probably be candidate for President once new elections are called. There will not be new early elections without these mobilizations..."
So you are saying the *protesters* are threatening "civil war" if they don't get...uh..democratic elections?
I repeat: I could think of worse threats! Worse case scenario: the protesters get what they want: democratic elections! Not good a thing, I agree with you-- but not the end of the world!
"Bolivia deserves better days," Mr Rodriguez told deputies.
"I am convinced that one of my tasks will be to begin an electoral process to renew and continue building a democratic system that is more just."
----------------
What's wrong with that?
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