Sunday, November 05, 2006

Book Review: Impasse in Bolivia

Readers:

Again we bring you a review of a recent English publication on Bolivia, an important academic offering, Impasse in Bolivia by Ben Kohl and Linda Farthing. The Democracy Center’s assistant director, Melissa Draper, writes a review. More information on the book can be found here.

Jim Shultz


Book Review: Impasse in Bolivia
by Ben Kohl and Linda Farthing


Impasse in Bolivia is a thoughtful and thorough analysis of Bolivia’s struggle over the past two decades with neoliberal policies. This new book by Ben Kohl and Linda Farthing fills a critical gap in literature on Bolivia, providing an astute analysis of the forces that have dictated the course of Bolivia’s recent history. These are the forces that have sparked a backlash led by the Bolivia’s majority indigenous population, one which has put the nation into international headlines and thrust its first indigenous President into power.

Impasse offers an impressive review of the history, theories and policies that have created the unique national identity for this sparsely populated Andean country. In the first two chapters, the authors lay out the basics of neoliberal theory and the historical backdrop of the country that leads up to the implementation of neoliberal policies. Kohl and Farthing examine the origins of neoliberal theory, from the academics who sketched out its premises to the politicians and institutions that turned those ideas into policies for developing nations like Bolivia. A legible historical outline beginning in the sixteenth century helps readers grasp the ensuing implications of these policies on contemporary Bolivian history.

In Bolivia, these theories became law with the introduction of the New Economic Program (NEP) in 1985. The NEP prepared the way for the neoliberal policies reaffirmed by Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada’s Plan de Todos (1993), which fundamentally changed the concept of citizenship in support of a capitalist economy. Impasse carefully weaves together the political, economic and social tensions produced by these reforms.

Further discussions of policies, such as the political decentralization initiated by the famous Law of Popular Participation, are grounded in important comparative cases ranging from Nepal to Africa. Kohl and Farthing also display a solid understanding of what these policies meant for Bolivians and point out the faults in their implementation.

The penultimate chapter places the strength and efficacy of social movements’ resistance to neoliberal policies in the context of foreign policy and the national dynamics that fed repeated backlashes between 2000 and 2003. We find out why coca growers gained enormous power and how their support of newly formed water coordination committees paved the way for the now famous war over water privatization in Cochabamba in 2000. We see how successive protests on land distribution and tax reform between 2001 and 2003 shifted the crux of national politics to El Alto, elevating newly formed community-based organizations like FEJUVE (Federación de Juntas Vecinales) that would lead the most recent battle against neoliberalism, the Gas War of October 2003.

This all builds the foundation of a comprehensive study of the failure of a much-espoused economic model that did little to satisfy the needs of a diverse and impoverished country. It becomes starkly clear how public resistance to neoliberalism gained strength and why it continues on Bolivia’s streets today.

The book’s conclusions, repeated several times throughout the book, focus on three strands that dominate Bolivian history: international domination and lack of sovereignty; indigenous resistance; and regional pressures. The continually changing role of the state is key to all those factors. Neoliberal policies, in theory, help shrink government presence so that market forces can dominate and growth can be maximized. As the Bolivia case shows, however, the demobilization of the government rendered it useless in its new regulatory role, usurping any power it might have had to act in the people’s interest. And with the shift of power from the state (public) to the market (private), so went the corruption, unchecked by any legitimate supervising authority.

Impasse’s only weakness is that the recommendations the reader so eagerly awaits in its final conclusions are not as clearly developed as the book’s historical analysis. As one searches for how Bolivia could possibly harness its lively democracy for the advancement of the country as a whole, the only thing to grab onto is repeated in the last paragraph. What Bolivia needs to present a viable alternative to its neoliberal past, according to the authors, is “a strong global civil society capable of re-embedding the economy into social life.” The reader is left wanting more.

Impasse makes a real contribution to the English literature available on Bolivia. At a time when the country is once again in the international limelight, we can thank Kohl and Farthing for sorting out the intricate threads of political culture, identity and resistance that make up Bolivia's national fabric and determine its role in the global community. Policy-makers, journalists, academics and students of Latin American politics alike will benefit from the window this book offers into the complexities of a country that has taught the world about the dangers of foreign prescriptions and highlighted the chasm between Western theoretical solutions and the Andean reality.

Reviewed by Melissa Draper

38 Comments:

Blogger Norman said...

Thanks Melissa. Now that’s a book review (as opposed to the book summarization below). It got my interest and makes me want to read the subject book by analyzing content. As far as leaving the reader wanting more recommendations… well, that is the trick. Seeing the problem and analyzing it is a critical first step, but it is much easier than seeing the solution. The neo-liberal plan was an intended solution to a pre-existing problem. While answering why it failed is debatable, the fact that it failed in Bolivia is not. Discussion of recommendations on how to solve the issue seems to be the cornerstone of this blog. I personally believe that enforcement is one of the major factors lacking; enforcement of the current laws. Recently I’ve been struck by the vigilante-ism in Bolivia. Barrios determine for themselves who is guilty, what is “justice”, and then burn the guilty, whether he’s an accused thief, murderer or witch. Those involved and the bystanders keep silent and existing laws are left impotent to do anything.

Bolivia needs increased police presence, but that costs money. Perhaps Mr. Morales hydrocarbon policy will generate the necessary revenue to put an effective police force out. I don’t personally trust him to uphold the law though as he so often ignored and abused it in the past and present. All that aside, I thoroughly enjoyed your review and intend to put the book on my reading list. Any insight as to the authors? What is their political leaning?

5:52 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

No offense, but Zed Books is the publisher. And that doesn't inspire much confidence. Zed Books is only a slight step up from a vanity press; it's not a peer-reviewed academic press. One of the first things I look for in a book is where it was published. Academics want to publish in the major university presses (Cambridge, Harvard, Pittsburgh, Berkeley, or even a smaller regional press like Oklahoma, U of Alambama, U of Madison, or something along those lines). The next step is to go after peer-review mass niche marketers (Transaction, Lynne Rienner, Broadview, Verso, even Vintage or Penguin). Once you go into the novelty or vanity presses, you are basically just publishing things that a) either got rejected by the major presses or b) is rushed out & printed merely on the basis of ideological agreement w/ the publisher (Zed *only* publishes things w/ a left-activist persuasion).

If I published my dissertation w/ Zed Books, it wouldn't count towards tenure review. So, um, calling it an "important academic offering" is a bit of an overstatement. Sorry, I don't mean to be rude, but it's true.

8:43 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

That said, Ben Kohl does seem to be a reputable academic. He teaches Third World urbanization at Temple University (not sure why *that* information wasn't part of the review of an "academic" work). Kohl's faculty bio is here:

http://www.temple.edu/gus/faculty/kohl.htm

8:45 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

There is alot of junk that is released by Zed Books, i'm not sure why, but alot of their releases are not scientific at all. Mostly Ideology fused with metaphor, a quick seller to tickle your ears and fill your gut.

8:13 AM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

I have not read the book but its pretty easy to blame the new economic policy with paz ernesto in 1985. What should be examined is other factors that contributed to the collapse of the economy, tin market, ect.... What other countries economic markets at the time created this vaccum as well? All the Neo-liberal thinkers out there should start thinking more about "time-space" contexts and not so linear and black and white.

8:24 AM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Seems like alot of people are "cashin" in these days on the revolution.

9:46 AM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

The question that the book omits and MUST be answered is why a policy that generates wealth in most countries, has failed in Bolivia?


There is only one strand that dominates Bolivian history. Bolivia is not a nation but "un ch'enko" and with that comes the lack of committment from its citizens to a vision for this accident of geography some call Bolivia and others Kollasuyo.

A sympton of this are the so called social movements that perhaps have done more to erode democracy than the "neo-liberal" model. Ironically these groups sometimes have sponsors like Jim, but most of the time their aim and constituency are never clear or relevant to their nature. Any sindicate can claim any issue and take any measure.

The goverment and its institutions are merely another bastard interest group, simply another sindicate with its own resources to fight for a piece of power and rent. The media, political parties, civic organizations, etc. none have a vision of a nation. They have a clear vision of how they want to extract rent from the country, but no intentions of ponerse la camiseta y sudarla.

Jim at "New College" or Kohl with "Zed Press" are also fighting for this, be a grant, royalties or fame. They want to simply cash in. They will not put forth a vision of a nation. They will only fight for their bastard interested so they can send their kid to Brown. Do you really expect intellectual honesty from these people....saying the truth will not push their interest forward....spweeing rethoric will...

ergo

the obsesion with finding how evil "neo-liberal" is instead of why of the ch'enko.

12:43 AM  
Blogger /rune said...

This post has been removed by a blog administrator.

10:47 AM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Does anyone know if the book is for sale in Bolivia - if so where?

10:49 AM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Sorry for changing the subject.. But i just loved our president's remarks yesterday : "If you want us to stop producing coca then [US] stop consuming cocaine... while you [US] consume cocaine there will always be a market to produce more coca" LOVED IT!!! EVO THE IMMORAL CAPITALIST!!!!!!

10:49 AM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

Interestingly, there have been a few recent articles that mirror my dissertation recently. One was by Scott Mainwaring in Journal of Democracy (July 2006) and the other was by Robert Barr in the journal Latin American Politics & Society (Fall 2005). They both argue that part of the problem w/ Bolivia (and the Andes in general) is that there's an ironic twist: As states tried to implement *political* reforms meant to improve democracy (e.g. decentralization, more representative electoral systems, bilingual education, etc) popular expectations increased (which often couldn't be met) and support for state institutions decreased. In many ways, it's Gorbachev in reverse: reforms lead to political instability and regime collapse. In essense, both authors (and I agree w/ them), suggest that the Bolivian crisis is principally political (and institutional) rather than economic. At least this is a growing consensus among peer-reviewed academic literature.

1:54 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

chicken or the egg...is is the economic crisis due to the political instability or is the political instability due to the economic crisis?

It really doesn't matter, the thing is that you gotta fix both, and that won't happen until bolivians are willing to submitt themselves to the rule of law and the political class can agree to a common vision...otherwise more ch'enko

6:21 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

One of my favorite political theorists, Robert Dahl, focused precisely on that problem in his book "After the Revolution? Authority in the Good Society" (also in "Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy: Autonomy v. Control"). Even in democracy, state authority must be respected; the dilemma of democracy is to have accountable, representative government -- but one that can still enforce laws (especially the protection of minority rights, since w/o a powerful state, minorities aren't protected from social tyranny, e.g. lynchings). Too often, social movements seek to weaken the state, when in reality democracy requires a strong, powerful, rationalized state.

An example of the role civil society can have in bringing down democracy, is in Sheri Berman's work on the role of civil society in Weimar Germany. In contrast to Putnam's social capital theories, she found that the number of autonomous civic organizations was antually *increasing* during hte 1920s-1930s, but in opposition to the state -- a weak, illegitimate, non-authoritative state was easily captured by a political movement that campaigned as anti-politics, anti-corruption, and anti-foreigner. There's also a great deal of work on the importance of democratizing civil society (which flows from Berman's work) by Alison Brysk. There's even a growing body of work (in anthropology) on the role of NGOs in the developing world, including problems of structural inequality w/in NGO organizations themselves & the new sense of technical, ideological, and organizational dependence they often (though not always) foster among subaltern groups.

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